Вопросы языкознания, 2024, № 1

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ISSN 0373-658X

2024. № 1 
В О П Р О С Ы  Я З Ы К О З Н А Н И Я  
5
Содержание
S. K. Mං඄ඁൺංඅඈඏ. Semantics of the Northern Khanty Salient Article: Defi
 niteness, salience, and obviation   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 
7
Д. О. Дุหฺุฬุีๆ฻ิาำ, И. Б. Лฯฬุื฼าืส. Русское дискурсивное нет в сопоставительном аспекте   . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
В. Е. Г฽฻สิุฬส, С. И. Б฽ฺิุฬส. Антонимия в русском жестовом языке  
 . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
С. В. Кื้ัฯฬ. Фразовая интонация южнорусского говора: Роговатое . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Обзоры
И. С. Мสิสฺุฬ. Преобразование «цепочка фонем» → «речь» в динамических моделях: Обзор  . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
Рецензии
Я. Г. Тฯ฻฼ฯีฯเ. [Рец. на:] Н. С. Джидалаев, З. Д. Магомедова, М. Ш. Халилов. Словарь хваршинского языка. М. Ш. Халилов (ред.). Махачкала: Алеф, 2022   . . . . . . . 156

V O P R O S Y J A Z Y K O Z N A N I J A 
2024. № 1
Contents
Stepan K. Mං඄ඁൺංඅඈඏ. Semantics of the Northern Khanty Salient Article: Defi
 niteness, 
salience, and obviation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 
7
Dmitrij O. Dඈൻඋඈඏඈඅ’ඌ඄ංඃ. Irina B. Lൾඏඈඇඍංඇൺ. Russian discourse word net ‘no’ in a contrastive perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Violetta E. Gඎඌൺ඄ඈඏൺ, Svetlana I. Bඎඋ඄ඈඏൺ. Antonymy in Russian Sign Language . . . . . . 60
Sergey V. Kඇඒൺඓൾඏ. Phrase prosody of a Southern Russian dialect: Rogovatoe  . . . . . . . . . 85
Overviews
Ilya S. Mൺ඄ൺඋඈඏ. Phoneme sequence-to-speech conversion in dynamic phonological 
models: A survey  
 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
Reviews
Yakov G. Tൾඌඍൾඅൾඍඌ. [Review of:] N. S. Dzhidalaev, Z. D. Magomedova, M. Sh. Khalilov. Slovar’ khvarshinskogo yazyka [A dictionary of Khwarshi]. M. Sh. Khalilov (ed.). 
Makhachkala: Alef, 2022 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156

2024. № 1 
В О П Р О С Ы  Я З Ы К О З Н А Н И Я  
С. / Pp. 7–38
 
Voprosy Jazykoznanija
Semantics of the Northern Khanty Salient Article: 
Defi
 niteness, salience, and obviation
© 2024
Stepan K. Mikhailov 
HSE University, Moscow, Russia; stepanmihajlov@gmail.com
Abstract: Uralic possessive agreement markers often function as determiners. This paper presents a case 
study of the Northern Khanty (Kazym dialect) 2ඌ඀ Possessive that developed into a “salient article”. 
The Salient Article is defi
 nite as it requires informational uniqueness and familiarity, but its distribution is narrower than the distribution of previously described defi
 nite determiner types. It is most 
commonly used with topical Subjects and in noun phrases with demonstratives, but its use is not 
obligatory across the board in these cases and is not limited to them. Furthermore, the Salient Article is subject to a constraint that is similar to the proximate uniqueness constraint of languages with 
obviation systems like the Algonquian: there may be at most one noun phrase with a Salient Article 
per clause (with the exception of noun phrases with demonstratives). I consider and reject two possible syntactic accounts of such distribution and instead propose a tentative semantic analysis that 
derives all the observed facts: the Salient Article marks the most salient discourse referent in the 
given context. (I understand salience as a graded property that a referent has to the extent that the 
referent is being attended to by the addressee following Roberts and Barlew). This study thus supplies another argument for the hypothesis that salience is an important dimension to determiner semantics cross-linguistically.
Keywords: article, determination, defi
 niteness, Northern Khanty, obviation, possession, salience, Uralic
Acknowledgements: The results of the project “Constituent structure and interpretation in the grammatical architecture of the languages of Russia”, carried out within the framework of the Basic Research 
Program at the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE University) in 2023, 
are presented in this work. First of all, I want to thank our Khanty friends, who have unceasingly 
put great eff
 ort into working with our team, teaching us Khanty, and inspiring us with their enthusiasm and wisdom. I am deeply indebted to them. Several colleagues have supervised, guided, or commented on various stages of this work, that is, Svetlana Toldova, Alexey Kozlov, Natalia Ivlieva, Alexandra Simonenko, Polina Pleshak, and Natalia Slioussar. I am grateful for their help. I also want 
to thank for useful comments and suggestions my colleagues from the HSE’s Laboratory of Formal 
Models in Linguistics and from the Khanty fi
 eld trip team, as well as the audiences of the 18th Conference on Typology and Grammar for Young Scholars and the Ph.D. seminar of the Doctoral School 
of Philology at the HSE University (Moscow). Finally, I thank Alina Russkikh, whose help and encouragement were instrumental in fi
 nishing this paper, and, again, Alexey Kozlov, whose extensive 
comments to the fi
 rst draft of the paper had made it that much better, as well as two anonymous reviewers and an editor for Voprosy Jazykoznanija, whose suggestions also helped improve the paper. 
All errors remaining are my own.
For citation: Mikhailov S. K. Semantics of the Northern Khanty Salient Article: Defi
 niteness, salience, 
and obviation. Voprosy Jazykoznanija, 2024, 1: 7–38.
DOI: 10.31857/0373-658X.2024.1.7-38

Voprosy Jazykoznanija 
2024. № 1
Семантика севернохантыйского салиентного артикля: 
определенность, салиентность и обвиация
Степан Кириллович Михайлов
Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики», 
Москва, Россия; stepanmihajlov@gmail.com
Аннотация: Показатели посессивного согласования в уральских языках нередко функционируют 
как детерминаторы. В статье это явление рассматривается на примере севернохантыйского (казымский диалект) показателя посессивности второго лица единственного числа в функции, которую я называю салиентным артиклем. Я утверждаю, что салиентный артикль является определенным детерминатором, поскольку он требует информационной уникальности и известности 
референта именной группы, к которой он присоединяется. Однако его дистрибуция у́же, чем дистрибуция описанных в литературе типов определенных детерминаторов. Чаще всего салиентный 
артикль используется с топикальными подлежащими и именными группами с демонстративами, 
но этими случаями его дистрибуция не ограничивается. Кроме этого, действует следующее ограничение: в пределах одной клаузы салиентный артикль может употребляться только один раз 
(не считая случаев с демонстративами). Это напоминает ограничение на единственность проксиматива, фиксируемое в языках с обвиацией, например, в алгонкинских. Я рассматриваю и отвергаю два потенциальных синтаксических подхода к дистрибуции салиентного артикля и вместо 
них предлагаю семантический анализ, который предсказывает все наблюдаемые факты: салиентный артикль маркирует наиболее салиентного дискурсивного референта в данном контексте (салиентность я понимаю как направленность внимания адресата на референта вслед за К. Робертс 
и Дж. Барлю). Тем самым, настоящее исследование поддерживает гипотезу о том, что салиентность является важным параметром семантики определенных детерминаторов в языках мира.
Ключевые слова: артикль, детерминация, обвиативность, определенность, посессивность, салиентность, севернохантыйский  язык, уральские языки
Для цитирования: Mikhailov S. K. Semantics of the Northern Khanty Salient Article: Defi
 niteness, salience, and obviation. Voprosy Jazykoznanija, 2024, 1: 7–38.
DOI: 10.31857/0373-658X.2024.1.7-38
1. Introduction
Many Uralic languages make use of possessive agreement markers (possessives) that index 
the person and number of the Possessor on the possessed noun phrase (NP). Such markers are 
well-known to exhibit non-possessive, “extended” or “discourse” uses which resemble the defi
 -
nite articles of European languages to a high extent [Fraurud 2001; Kuznetsova 2003; Nikolaeva 
2003]. Recently, several authors have argued that the possessives they investigate have in fact 
become grammaticalized as independent markers with determiner-like functions [É. Kiss 2018; 
É. Kiss, Tánczos 2018; Halm 2018; Serdobolskaya et al. 2019]. However, almost no detailed 
semantic analyses of such “unpossessive markers” have been provided so far. 1
 
1 I introduce the term “unpossessive” to refer to markers that are related to possessive agreement markers 
(e.g., are at least homonymous with, or even derived from) but are clearly non-possessive in their use.
 
  
One exception to the statement above is Alexandra Simonenko’s paper [2017], in which she proposes a detailed semantic analysis of unpossessives in Uralic and neighboring languages, focusing 
on ඉඈඌඌ.3ඌ඀-like markers (although she argues for a monosemic analysis). The other authors generally 
only compared the markers they investigated with previously described cases, appealing to common 

 
 
Stepan K. Mikhailov 
9
One example of such grammaticalization of an unpossessive determiner from a possessive 
marker is provided by the second-person singular Possessive in the Kazym dialect of Northern 
Khanty, which was fi
 rst described in [Mikhailov 2021a]. In the following examples, it is used 
with a topical referent (1) and with a demonstrated referent (2).
(1) 
[“I was walking along the street when I saw a dog.”] 2
 
amp-en 
      ma   pɛλ-am-a       χurət-ti        pit-əs
dog-ඉඈඌඌ.2ඌ඀   I      at-ඉඈඌඌ.1ඌ඀-ൽൺඍ   bark-ඇൿංඇ.ඇඉඌඍ 
  become-ඉඌඍ[3ඌ඀]
‘The dog started barking at me.’
(2) 
[A mother is walking with her child. The child points at a fl
 ower:]
 
ma   tum   lipt-en          mɛnəm-ti      λaŋχa-λ-əm
I      that    fl
 ower-ඉඈඌඌ.2ඌ඀   pick-ඇൿංඇ.ඇඉඌඍ 
  want-ඇඉඌඍ-1ඌ඀
‘I want to pick that fl
 ower.’
In both examples there does not seem to be any discourse-internal relation between the addressee and the referent of the highlighted noun phrase. Intuitively, this suggests that we are not 
dealing with the Proper 2ඌ඀ Possessive 3 here, but rather with some Unpossessive. (I will substantiate this claim with empirical arguments below.) I call this Unpossessive the “Salient Article”, for reasons to become clear in the discussion to follow. 4
The goals of this paper are three-fold. Firstly, to provide a detailed empirical study of a single 
Uralic unpossessive, namely, the Salient Article ඉඈඌඌ.2ඌ඀ of Kazym Khanty. Secondly, to give 
a motivated semantic analysis that correctly refl
 ects the Salient Article’s conditions of use. And 
lastly, to situate the Salient Article in the typology of defi
 niteness markers (e.g., [Schwarz 2019]).
I will argue for the following claims:
 
1) Noun phrases with the Salient Article are defi
 nite.
 
2) The Salient Article does not directly encode syntactic role or information-structural distinctions.
 
3) The Salient Article marks the most salient discourse referent in the given context.
Thus, I argue that the Kazym Khanty Salient Article instantiates a hitherto unattested defi
 nite 
determiner type. Even though it is similar to other topic-related phenomena in the world’s languages such as the Obdorsk Khanty Agreeing Objects [Nikolaeva 2001] or the Blackfoot Proximate Marking [Bliss 2017], the Kazym Khanty Salient Article does not directly encode either 
topichood (contra [Mikhailov 2021a]) or proximate status (contra [Muravyev 2022a]) but is used 
exclusively as a defi
 nite determiner.
The rest of the paper is structured as follows. In Section 2, I introduce the Kazym dialect 
of Northern Khanty, give the basics of the Kazym Khanty possessive agreement system, and argue for the independence of the Salient Article from the Proper ඉඈඌඌ.2ඌ඀. Section 3 introduces 
the theoretical notions to be employed in what follows, alongside cross-linguistic “standards 
theoretical notions, such as uniqueness, familiarity, partitive specifi
 city, etc., but without providing semantic defi
 nitions of the markers.
 
2 Unless stated otherwise, examples from the Kazym dialect of Northern Khanty are mine. When giving 
the context for an example, I use double quotes to indicate that the context was translated into the target language along with the target sentence. In the absence of quotes, the context was described to the 
consultants in the language of interaction, here, Russian.
 
3 Throughout the paper I adopt the convention to capitalize names of language-particular categories 
to highlight their idiosyncrasies [Haspelmath 2010: 674], e.g., writing “(Proper) Possessive” instead 
of “possessive” implies that the category in question must not correspond to some universal categorial 
type but may diverge from it in diff
 erent ways.
 
4 In [Mikhailov 2021a; 2023], I called it the “Topic Marker” because I hypothesized that it marks topical referents. In what follows I will reject this hypothesis (§4.2); hence a diff
 erent name is needed.

Voprosy Jazykoznanija 
2024. № 1
of comparison” for our description of the Salient Article. In Section 4, I describe the Salient Article in detail and argue against a syntactic account of its distribution. In Section 5, I propose 
and motivate a (semiformal) semantic analysis of the Salient Article, based on Roberts’ [2003] 
semantics for defi
 nite NPs.
This study thus contributes to the recent trend of theoretically and typologically informed inquiries into non-possessive uses of Uralic possessives.
2. Basic information about the Kazym dialect 
of Northern Khanty
2.1. Language and methodology
Northern Khanty is an endangered Uralic language of the Khantyic branch 5 spoken by the 
Ob’ river and its tributaries (Kazym, Kunovat, Synja, etc.) by about 8865 speakers which makes 
37 % of the ethnic Khanty according to the Russian Census of 2010. The Kazym dialect has 
more than 1700 speakers [Kaksin 2010] with the overwhelming majority older than 50 years 
old [Aristova 2023].
The data used in this study were collected over a period from 2018 to 2023 during the fi
 eld 
trips to the Kazym village (Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Region−Yugra, Russia), led by Svetlana 
Toldova and Alexey Kozlov and organized collectively by the HSE University (Moscow) and 
the Lomonosov Moscow State University. I elicited data from up to thirteen speakers following 
Lisa Matthewson’s methodology of semantic fi
 eldwork [Matthewson 2004]. Each example was 
judged by at least three speakers. The speakers were presented with Russian stimuli in a context 
and were asked to translate them to Khanty. In most cases the context was also translated. Then, 
using the Khanty translation, the speakers were requested to provide acceptability judgements 
for particular forms in said context. Sometimes the speakers’ comments were used to create further stimuli to test the hypotheses suggested by their comments.
2.2. Kazym dialect Possessives
Like most Uralic languages, the Kazym dialect has possessive agreement markers which index the person-number features of the Possessor NP in adnominal possessive noun phrases (3). 
Possessives are obligatorily used with pronominal Possessors and may be absent when Possessors are lexical, i.e., non-pronominal (see [Muravyev 2022a] and §3.3 below for a preliminary 
hypothesis about Possessives with lexical Possessors).
(3) 
năŋ    kătˊ-en      moś-λ
you.ඌ඀   cat-ඉඈඌඌ.2ඌ඀   purr-ඇඉඌඍ[3ඌ඀]
‘Your cat purrs.’
The paradigm is presented in Table 1 (p. 11) with 3×3 person-number combinations for the 
Possessor and three numbers (singular, dual, plural) of the possessee since possessee number 
triggers allomorphic alternations in the Possessives.
Possessives may appear with or without an explicit Possessor, e.g., ‘your dog’ may be expressed both as năŋ amp-en [you.ඌ඀ dog-ඉඈඌඌ.2ඌ඀] and as amp-en [dog-ඉඈඌඌ.2ඌ඀]. Possessives 
never attach to a noun already marked with a Possessive regardless of their function: thus, forms 
 
5 I follow the model of the Uralic family discussed in [Sámmol Ánte 2022: 3–4].