Can Jokes Bring Down Governments? Memes, Design and Politics =Могут ли шутки свергать правительства? Мемы, дизайн и политика

МЕТАХАВЕН


МОГУТ ЛИ ШУТКИ СВЕРГАТЬ ПРАВИТЕЛЬСТВА?
МЕМЫ, ДИЗАЙН И ПОЛИТИКА



3-е издание (электронное)










Москва «Стрелка Пресс» 2017

METAHAVEN


CAN JOKES BRING DOWN GOVERNMENTS? MEMES, DESIGN AND POLITICS



3-rd edition (electronic)









Moscow
Strelka Press
2017

УДК 72
ББК 85
    M54


      Metahaven.
M54 Can Jokes Bring Down Governments? Memes, Design and Politics = Могут ли шутки свергать правительства? Мемы, дизайн и политика [Электронный ресурс] / Metahaven. — 3-rd ed. (el.). — Electronic text data (1 file pdf : 73 p.). — М. : Strelka Press, 2017. — System requirements: Adobe Reader XI or Adobe Digital Editions 4.5 ; screen 10".
         ISBN 978-5-906264-05-3
         Metahaven is an Amsterdam-based design collective specialising in politics and aesthetics. Founded by Daniel van der Velden and Vinca Kruk, Metahaven’s work reflects political and social issues through research-driven design, and design-driven research. In 2010, Metahaven published Uncorporate Identity, a design anthology for our dystopian age, with Lars Muller Publishers. Vinca Kruk teaches editorial design at ArtEZ Academy of Art and Design, Arnhem. Daniel van der Velden teaches design at Yale University, New Haven, and at the Sandberg Instituut, Amsterdam.
УДК 72
ББК 85



       The source print publication: Can Jokes Bring Down Governments? Memes, Design and Politics. — Moscow : Strelka Press, 2013. — 62 p. — ISBN 978-0-9929-1468-4.

ISBN 978-5-906264-05-3

© Strelka Institute for Media, Architecture and Design, 2014

A Definition of Now, Metahaven, 2012

     We have all seen how an appropriate and well-timed joke can sometimes influence even grim tyrants... The most violent tyrants put up with their clowns and fools, though these often made them the butt of open insults.

                   — Desiderius Erasmus, The Praise of Folly, 1509.



    A bottle of pop, a big banana We’re from southern Louisiana That’s a lie, that’s a fib We’re from Colorado.

                  — From: C.H. Ainsworth, “Jump Rope Verses around the United States,” Western Folklore 20, 1961, 121. Cited in Susan Stewart, Nonsense.

                01. INTRODUCTION





May, 2012.
     I’m sifting through a bunch of old records, and the smell of dusty cardboard and vinyl, softened by the summer heat, fills the decrepit record store. Passing through the same old Michael Boltons and Ultravoxes, I pause at an album by George Clinton, the legendary founder of Funkadelic. The album title is Some of My Best Jokes Are Friends. It was released in 1985.
     A few hours later, I’m browsing the internet looking for evidence of political reform in Europe after the financial crisis. There is almost nothing; it’s the same old system obsessively staring at its own growth, or the lack thereof. Except for Iceland. Its constitution was rewritten by “crowdsourcing” — a trendy word for getting direct input from as many people as possible. The country brings its own corrupted bankers to court, where it has some trouble getting them convicted.[1] The mayor of Reykjavik, Jon Gnarr Kristinsson, is a comedian; his party, the Best Party, became popular by parodying ruling politicians. In a pleasant combination of dispassionate rationality and raving madness, Iceland — a state with the population of a small city — seems a laboratory for reinventing politics. In Italy, a new kind of populist movement is gaining ground, headed by the comedian Beppe Grillo. His slogan Vaffanculo (“Fuck off”) has hundreds of thousands in its grip; his performances are entertaining political rants that promote self-organization and human values. Grillo is against Italy’s

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participation in the euro currency and, by virtue of that position only, fits into Europe’s centrist-totalitarian media discourse as a “dangerous” politician. His weapon is comedy, and what makes it effective is its natural juxtaposition to both the pompous “common sense” of technocratic bailout rule and the perverted, corrupted oligarchy of Berlusconi. Yes, Grillo is a merciless populist; but that’s not why he is popular — popular enough to come third in Italy's February 2013 elections.
      On Twitter, I find an essay by the Deterritorial Support Group (DSG), a think tank band of London-based graphic activists. Goatse As Industrial Sabotage links perverse internet images to political graphic design from the 1970s. DSG's thesis is as strangely plausible as it is, in a political sense, hilarious.
      A friend reminds me of Ethan Zuckerman's “Cute Cat Theory of Digital Activism ”. It holds that a digital platform where many people exchange pictures of cute cats is also an excellent place for political activism: if the state were to shut it down, people would protest because they could no longer exchange pictures of cute cats. (More likely, if this did happen, they would find another platform to exchange pictures of cute cats). Zuckerman contends that it is inherently fruitful to embed messages of political activism within widely popular online platforms, so that subversive content can 't be easily isolated by authoritarians.
      A question shapes itself in the early morning hours. Is it possible that graphic design has only one thing left to do, which is posting itself on the internet? And — to go a little bit further — is it possible that jokes have an untapped political power, which was historically always present but never so useful and necessary as now? Could, then, the leftovers of graphic design be turned into jokes? Might — through this re-allegiance - design rediscover actual societal impact ?

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Can jokes scale? Can they supersize? Can we laugh so loudly at those in power that they fall? Can jokes, in fact, bring down governments?



November, 2012.
     We are told this is a time for tough decisions and certainly not a time for jokes. Governments of liberals, centre-right conservatives and social democrats have declared austerity throughout Europe. Their policies are a cocktail of the once-opposed extremes of their respective ideologies: there will be reduced public services (hail neoliberals), and there will, at the same time, be higher taxes (hail social democrats). Injustice is now fair.
     Austerity is promoted and imposed by a techno-financial superclass of managers. The austerity elite does not live in the countries where its regimes are imposed, and it most certainly does not live in the social circles affected by it. Where its rule is the harshest this superclass goes by the name of the troika. Comprising the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the European Central Bank (ECB) and the European Commission (EC), this roaming triumvirate of experts specialises in summary judgments of EU countries.
     Austerity is potentially unlimited. It has no boundaries. No austerity elite is willing to say: until here, and no further. The humanitarian crisis of austerity is none of its business.
     In unleashing austerity on its constituents, the political superclass has opened up a Pandora’s box of disastrous consequences. It has awakened and emboldened powerful enemies. Not just of austerity, but of democracy itself.
     Politicians in Europe are more afraid of financial markets than of their own people. Financial markets exercise a form of “direct

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