Russian Journal of Agricultural and Socio-Economic Sciences, 2013, №3 (15) Март


ФЕДЕРАЛЬНАЯ СЛУЖБА ПО НАДЗОРУ В СФЕРЕ СВЯЗИ, ИНФОРМАЦИОННЫХ ТЕХНОЛОГИЙ И МАССОВЫХ КОММУНИКАЦИЙ (РОСКОМНАДЗОР)


РОССИЙСКИЙ ЖУРНАЛ СЕЛЬСКОХОЗЯЙСТВЕННЫХ И СОЦИАЛЬНОЭКОНОМИЧЕСКИХ НАУК

RUSSIAN-ENGLISH JOURNAL





                Russian Journal of Agricultural and Socio-Economic Sciences





№3(15), March 2013


ISSN 2226-1184, http://www.rjoas.com

Cover’s Photo by Lawrence James Cornell © http://lordjcornell.deviantart.com, 2013

СОДЕРЖАНИЕ

       Российский журнал сельскохозяйственных и социальноэкономических наук выпуск март

А.А. Бандей, Ф.А. Ратер
     ECONOMIC STATUS OF THE RUSSIAN MINORITY IN TAJIKISTAN
Х. Адхикари
   MIGRATION AND CHANGING POOR DYNAMICS IN A VILLAGE: A CASE STUDY
К. Чидоко
AN ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF THE DETERMINANTS OF ENTREPRENEURSHIP: THE CASE OF MASVINGO INFORMAL BUSINESSES
Л.И. Ковалев, И.Л. Ковалев
    НЕКОТОРЫЕ ПРОБЛЕМЫ РЕМОНТНООБСЛУЖИВАЮЩЕЙ БАЗЫ
ЖИВОТНОВОДСТВА
Д.А. Акангбе, Ю. Банколе, Б. Аджибола, С.Б. Факайоде, Д.О. Анимашун ADOPTION OF SMOKING CHOKOR FOR FISH
PROCESSING IN KWARA STATE
          А.К. Пуджастути, Р. Аниндита, Н. Ханани, Д. Калуге
    CHANGES EFFECT OF SUGAR IMPORT TARIFF IN INDONESIA
Э. Чифамба, Т. Ньянга, С. Гукуруме
IRRIGATION WATER PRICING AND COST RECUPERATION FOR SUSTAINABILITY OF IRRIGATION PROJECTS IN NYANYADZI, ZIMBABWE
Д. Зиваномойо, Д. Мукарати
DETERMINANTS OF CHOICE OF CROP VARIETY AS CLIMATE CHANGE ADAPTATION OPTION IN ARID REGIONS OF ZIMBABWE
О. Ойинбо, М.К. Салех, Г.З. Реквот DETERMINANTS OF HERBICIDE UTILIZATION IN STRIGA HERMONTHICA CONTROL AMONG MAIZE FARMING HOUSEHOLDS IN
       GIWA LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA OF KADUNA STATE, NIGERIA
Я. Тагарифора
AN EXPLORATION OF THE DISASTERDEVELOPMENT INTERFACE: TOWARDS SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT THROUGH DISASTER MANAGEMENT
Г.Д. Акквах, Д. Акквах
ON THE COMPARISON OF BAYESIAN INFORMATION CRITERION AND DRAPER’S INFORMATION CRITERION IN SELECTION OF AN ASYMMETRIC PRICE RELATIONSHIP:
BOOTSTRAP SIMULATION RESULTS

3(15) 2013

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CONTENT

Russian Journal
of Agricultural and Socio-Economic
Sciences

issue
March

A.A. Bandey, F.A. Rather
ECONOMIC STATUS OF THE RUSSIAN
MINORITY IN TAJIKISTAN
H. Adhikari
MIGRATION AND CHANGING POOR
DYNAMICS IN A VILLAGE: A CASE STUDY
C. Chidoko
AN ECONOMIC ANALYSIS OF THE DETERMINANTS OF ENTREPRENEURSHIP: THE CASE OF MASVINGO INFORMAL BUSINESSES
L.I. Kovalev, I.L. Kovalev
SOME PROBLEMS OF MAINTENANCE AND
REPAIR OF ANIMAL HUSBANDRY


J.A. Akangbe, Y. Bankole, B. Ajibola, S.B. Fakayode, J.O. Animashaun
ADOPTION OF SMOKING CHOKOR FOR FISH PROCESSING IN KWARA STATE
A.Q. Pudjiastuti, R. Anindita,
N. Hanani, D. Kaluge
CHANGES EFFECT OF SUGAR IMPORT TARIFF IN INDONESIA
E. Chifamba, T. Nyanga, S. Gukurume IRRIGATION WATER PRICING AND COST RECUPERATION FOR SUSTAINABILITY OF IRRIGATION PROJECTS IN NYANYADZI, ZIMBABWE
James Zivanomoyo, Julius Mukarati DETERMINANTS OF CHOICE OF CROP VARIETY AS CLIMATE CHANGE
ADAPTATION OPTION IN ARID REGIONS OF ZIMBABWE
O. Oyinbo, M.K. Saleh, G.Z. Rekwot DETERMINANTS OF HERBICIDE UTILIZATION IN STRIGA HERMONTHICA CONTROL AMONG MAIZE FARMING HOUSEHOLDS IN GIWA LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA
OF KADUNA STATE, NIGERIA
J. Tagarirofa
AN EXPLORATION OF THE DISASTERDEVELOPMENT INTERFACE:
TOWARDS SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT THROUGH DISASTER MANAGEMENT
H. de-Graft Acquah, J. Acquah
ON THE COMPARISON OF BAYESIAN INFORMATION CRITERION AND DRAPER’S INFORMATION CRITERION IN SELECTION OF AN ASYMMETRIC PRICE RELATIONSHIP: BOOTSTRAP SIMULATION RESULTS

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

CIARDRING*}

The AGRIS - International Information System for the Agricultural Sciences and Technology (http://agris.fao.org) initiative was set up by the FAO - Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (http://www.fao.org) in the 70s and created a worldwide cooperation for sharing access to agricultural science and technology information. Based on available technologies, AGRIS was initially collecting bibliographic references for a central database. However, since the advent of the Internet in the late 90s AGRIS has become the brand name for a network of centres, which are promoting the exchange of agricultural science and technology information through the use of common standards and methodologies.
The AGRIS open archives and bibliographical databases cover the many aspects of agriculture, including forestry, animal husbandry, aquatic sciences and fisheries, and human nutrition, extension literature from over 100 participating countries. Material includes unique grey literature such as unpublished scientific and technical reports, theses, conference papers, government publications, and more.


AGRIS today is part of the CIARD (Coherence in Information for Agricultural Research for Development) initiative, in which the CGIAR (http://www.cgiar.org), Global Forum on Agricultural Research (http://www.egfar.org and FAO collaborate to create a community for efficient knowledge sharing in agricultural research and development.

CIARD RING - Routemap to Information Nodes and Gateways (http://ring.ciard.net) is a global registry of web-based services that give access to any kind of information pertaining to agricultural research for development (ARD). It is the principal tool created through the CIARD initiative to allow information providers to register their services in various categories and so facilitate the discovery of sources of agriculture-related information across the world. The RING aims to provide an infrastructure to improve the accessibility of the outputs of agricultural research and of information relevant to ARD management.

AIMS - Agricultural Information Management Standards (http://aims.fao.org) is a web portal managed by the FAO. It disseminates standards and good practices in information management for the support of the right to food, sustainable agriculture and rural development. AIMS underpins CIARD the international initiative which seeks to improve information access and coherence in and between organizations. AIMS supports the implementation of structured and linked information and knowledge by fostering a community of practice centered on the themes of interoperability, reusability and cooperation. It shares vocabularies, methodologies, tools and services in order to promote coherence in agricultural information.

The aim of the DOAJ - Directory of Open Access Journals (http://www.doaj.org) is to increase the visibility and ease of use of open access scientific and scholarly journals, thereby promoting their increased usage and impact. The DOAJ aims to be comprehensive and cover all open access scientific and scholarly journals that use a quality control system to guarantee the content. As of March 2013, the database contained 9048 journals.

EPPO - European and Mediterranean Plant Protection Organization (http://www.eppo.int) is an intergovernmental organization responsible for European cooperation in plant health. Founded in 1951 by 15 European countries, EPPO now has 50 members, covering almost all countries of the European and Mediterranean region. Its objectives are to protect plants, to develop international strategies against the introduction and spread of dangerous pests and to promote safe and effective control methods.

As a Regional Plant Protection Organization, EPPO also participates in global discussions on plant health organized by F.A.O. and the International Plant Protection Convention Secretariat. Finally, EPPO has produced a large number of standards and publications on plant pests, phytosanitary regulations, and plant protection products.

Russian Journal of Agricultural and Socio-Economic Sciences, 3(15)

ECONOMIC STATUS OF THE RUSSIAN MINORITY IN TAJIKISTAN

Aijaz A. Bandey, Professor
Farooq Ahmad Rather, Research Scholar
Centre of Central Asian Studies, University of Kashmir, India
E-mail: draijazbandey@yahoo.co.in, farooqarather@yahoo.com

    ABSTRACT

From the 1980s onwards, there was a sharp economic decline in the entire Soviet Union including Central Asia. People in general were affected due to this economic decline; however, in case of the Slav minority in Central Asia including Tajikistan the outmigration of Russian, which started from the 1980s, affected them more than that of their Central Asian counterparts. After the disintegration of Soviet Union, the condition of the leftovers was further accentuated by the language policy, ethnicisation while recruitment in the public offices, etc. Besides this Tajikistan has been the poorest country in the post Soviet space, which in turn is adding to the economic hardships of the people in general and ethnic Russians of the country in particular.

    KEY WORDS

Russian; Central Asia; Tajikistan; Migration; Jobs; Employment; Economy; Government; Representation.

      The 1980s Soviet time sharp economic decline continued in the post 1991 era as well.¹ Among the five republics of Central Asia Tajikistan is the poorest² with lowest per capita GDP ($6.3 billion for the year 2011).³
      In this paper an attempt has been made to highlight the dwindling role of Russian ethnic minority in various economic sectors including state and administration of Tajikistan.
      The non-indigenous populations of Central Asia (mostly Russians) were the bearers of the elite jobs in modern industry and services.⁴ They were the people who enabled modern sectors of economy to function.⁵ But the disintegration of USSR, Civil War and the changing socio-economic situation has brought sea-changes among the Russians employed in different branches of the industry and services. For one those who stayed back are insignificantly very low in number to manage the jobs held earlier by them. Secondly because of national language policy shift they have become aloof from important sectors like public health, education, culture, administrative work, and the professions like that of teachers, lawyers, writers, journalists, etc.⁶
      Until 1991 Russians held the primary positions in every sector of power. They

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    The reasons for this included the withdrawal of subsidies from Moscow, the breakdown of inter-republic trade and the impact of government stabilisation policies; Serdar Savas, Gulin Gedik and Marian Craig, “The

    reform process”, Health Care in Central Asia, Open University Press, Buckingham, Philadelphia, 2002, p. 80. Ghafur Khodjamurodov and Bernd Rechel, Systems in Transition, Vol. 12, No. 2., Bernd Rechel (Ed.) and Martin McKee (Series Ed.), European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies, Denmark, 2010, p. 4; The industry and construction in Tajikistan in 1991 employed 21% of the general employed in economics population which came down to 9.1% in 2000; transport and communication in 1991 employed 5% which in 2000, employed only 2.4% in 1991; and in other branches of goods production the number decreased from 2% in 1991 to 0.6% in 2000; T. N. Bozrikova, “Problems of Ethnic Minorities in Tajikistan”, in Sub-regional

    Seminar on Minority Rights: Cultural Diversity and Development in Central Asia, p. 26.
    Iraj Bashiri, Tajikistan: An Overview, 2003. Available online at www.angelfire.com.

    Boris Rumer (Ed), Central Asia in Transition: Dilemmas of Political and Economic development, Aakar

    Books, India, 2003, p. 113.
    Boris Rumer (Ed), Central Asia in Transition: Dilemmas of Political and Economic development, p. 117.

    This exclusion of ethnic Russians from various posts was primarily due to their insufficient knowledge of local languages; Valerii Aleksandrovich Tishkov, Ethnicity, Nationalism and Conflict in and After the Soviet Union: The Mind Aflame, Sage Publications, Inc., Oslo, 1997, p. 123.

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constituted a significant share in the total population (388,481 in 1988) ⁷ thereafter they started to leave the country. In 1993 alone more than 200,000 or 51% left Tajikistan.⁸ So much so that in year 2000 there was only 68,000 Russians left in the country.⁹ Those leftovers belonged to either mixed families on account of intermarriages¹⁰ or had no means to leave.¹¹
       Today most of the left-over Russians regard Tajikistan their motherland mainly because they were born there or else lived in the country for decades¹² but most of them are not at par with Tajiks as far as their political or economical wellbeing is concerned. In this paper we will try to assess their role in various economic sectors of the country. In addition to it we will try to discuss the reasons for their present situation.
       After the 1917 Revolution and the subsequent formation of Soviet Union the migration pattern, even though continued, changed to the extent of coming of professionals in Central Asia. This was primarily because Soviet Union followed socialism and new economic policies thereof encouraged migrations of all peoples from their homeland to their place of working. The influx of Russians assumed an organized character during these years after the beginning of industrialisation in Central Asia as an influx of immigrant Russians grew rapidly¹³ which is what has been reflected in the following table.


Table 1. Populations in Kazakhstan (1926-89)

                    1926            1959            1989       
               Total no.   %   Total no.   %   Total no.   %  
All population  6229.9   100.0  9294.7   100.0  16464.5  100.0

Kazakhs i 3627.6 i 58.2 i 2787.3 i 30.0 i 6534.6 i 39.7

 Russians  1274.0 20.5 3972.0 42.7 6227.5 37.8
Ukrainians 860.2  13.8 761.4  8.2  957.5  5.8 
 Germans    58.7  0.9  659.7  7.1  957.5  5.8 
  Others   408.5  6.6  1114.3 12.0 1848.7 11.2

Source: K. Nurpeis, “Kazakhstan”, History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. VI, p. 254.

       What is understood from the above table has been that by the year 1959 the Russian and other migrants had outnumbered the natives in Kazakhstan; and majority was of the Russians¹⁴ (almost 40% of the total population).¹⁵ In 1959 census, Kazakhstan was home to 4,014,000 Russians and 762,000 Ukrainians, who together made up 51% of its total population.¹⁶ In the northern Kazakhstan the Russians were mainly peasants, while as in

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      Tajikistan Country Profile, Central Asia Executive Summary Series, Programme for Culture and Conflict Studies (CCS) Department of National Security Affairs Naval Postgraduate School No. 3, California, July 2009, P. 7.

      Sebastien Peyrouse, “The Russian Minority in Central Asia: Migration, Politics and Language”, Occasional

      Papers, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., 2008, p. 6.
      Sebastien Peyrouse, Occasional Papers, p. 6.

      T. N. Bozrikova, “Problems of Ethnic Minorities in Tajikistan”, a Sub-regional Seminar on Minority Rights:

      Cultural Diversity and Development in Central Asia, pp. 21-22.
      Charles King and Neil J. Melvin, “Diaspora Politics: Ethnic Linkages, Foreign Policy, and Security in Eurasia”, International    Security,    Vol. XXIV, No. III, p. 123, available online at

      http://belfercenter.hks.harvard.edu/publication/438/diaspora_politics.html, accessed 04 April 2012.
      T. N. Bozrikova, “Problems of Ethnic Minorities in Tajikistan”, a Sub-regional Seminar on Minority Rights:

      Cultural Diversity and Development in Central Asia, pp. 38-39
      Stefani Hoffman, “Russia’s Diasporas: The Case of the Russian-speaking Community in Israel”, Working Paper Series on Russia and the Former Soviet States, Liechtenstein Institute on Self-Determination at

      Princeton University, United States, August 2003.
      During 1950s and 1960s some Russian settlers came in connection with some economic projects like the ‘Virgin Land Campaign’ (particularly in Kazakhstan), or natural disasters like the reconstruction of Tashkent

      after the earthquake of 1966.
      K. Nurpeis, “Kazakhstan”, History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. VI, Chahryar Adle (President),

      UNESCO, Paris, 2005, p. 254.
      Ian Murray Matley, Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, p. 108.

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other parts in Central Asia they settled down mainly in urban and industrial centers.¹⁷ Samarqand contained 11,650 Russians out of its total population of 80,700 in 1908¹⁸, which rose to 23,000 by 1910; Fergana (developed as an industrial centre by the Russians) contained 11,000 Russians (70% of the total population) in 1911; Syr Darya had a big lot of 101,289 Russian settlers in 1910¹⁹; in 1911 there were 8,000 Russians in Frunze modern Bishkek (when its total population was 14,000).²⁰
       Kyrgyzstan, like other Central Asian republics, also saw increase of Russian migrants as in 1926 their number reached to 180,000.²¹ Between 1926 and 1939 their number increased to 366,000²² which further grew by 1950-60 as the Russians and Ukrainians togather made up one third of the country’s population.²³ Following table amply provides the population format represented by major ethnic groups from 1926 to 1989.


Table 2. %age Ethnic structure in the Kyrgyz SSR (1926-89)

   n/n     1926 1939 1959 1979 1989
  Kyrgyz   66.7 51.7 40.5 47.9 52.4
  Uzbeks   11.1 10.3 10.5 12.1 12.9
 Russians  11.7 20.8 30.2 25.9 21.5
Ukrainians      9.4  6.6  3.1  2.5 

Source: A. Tabyshalieva, “Kyrgyzstan”, History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. VI, p. 275.

       The modern Uzbekistan saw the migration of Slaves from 1880s.²⁴ Since Tashkent, under Tsars, was the seat of administration of Turkestan to attract a large section of Russians who in 1911 were 202,000 (4%) in a population of 5,090,000²⁵ and by 1926 their number reached to 269,000.²⁶ In a short period of just five years, between 1933 to 1938, about 650,000 Russian migrants came to the republic to settle down mostly in the towns.²⁷ By 1959 there were some 1,101,000 Russians and together with 88,000 Ukrainians they comprised 51% of its population.²⁸ In 1989, there were as many as 1.8 million Russians in Uzbekistan.²⁹


¹⁷ Elizabeth E. Bacon, Central Asians Under Soviet Rule: A Study in Culture Change, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 1966, p. 26.

¹⁸ In the Khanates of Bukhara and Khiva, the number of Russians was scarce; Elizabeth E. Bacon, Central Asians Under Soviet Rule: A Study in Culture Change, p.106. In 1897 Bukhara had 28,200 Russian settlers, about 1% of the total population of 3,000,000; Lawrence Krader, Peoples of Central Asia, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana, 1963, p.175. The number of Russians in Bukhara and Khiva had increased from 12,000 in 1897 to 50,000 in 1917. These Russian settlers in Bukhara and Khiva were only military personnel; Lawrence Krader, Peoples of Central Asia, p. 179.

¹⁹ Ian Murray Matley, Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, p.105. The aggregate Russian population of the regions of Syr Darya, Fergana, Samarkand and Transcaspia in 1910 was 202,290 out of its total population of 5,291,152; Elizabeth E. Bacon, Central Asians Under Soviet Rule: A Study in Culture Change, p. 106.

²⁰ Ian Murray Matley, Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, p. 105.

²¹  Lawrence Krader, Peoples of Central Asia, p. 183.

²² Lawrence Krader, Peoples of Central Asia, p. 187.

²³ A. Tabyshalieva, “Kyrgyzstan”, History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. VI, Chahryar Adle (President), UNESCO, Paris, 2005, p. 275. In the 1959 census Kyrgyzstan had 624,000 Russians and 137,000 Ukrainians, that is 37% of its total population; Ian Murray Matley, Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, p. 109.

²⁴ International League for Human Rights, On the Compliance of the Republic of Uzbekistan with The United Nations Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 68th Session of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (UN CERD), New York, February 20 - March 10, 2006, P. 8.

²⁵ Among these 4% (202,000), 177,374 represent the urban population leaving only 25,000 rural people in the entire region; Gavin Hambly et al, Central Asia, p. 219.

²⁶ Lawrence Krader, Peoples of Central Asia, p. 183.

²⁷ D. A. Alimova and A. A. Golovanov, “Uzbekistan”, Chahryar Adle (President), History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. VI, UNESCO, Paris, 2005, p. 226.

²⁸ Ian Murray Matley, Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, p. 109.

²⁹ International League for Human Rights, On the Compliance of the Republic of Uzbekistan with The United Nations Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 68th Session of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (UN CERD), New York, February 20 - March 10, 2006, P.8;

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       The case of modern Tajikistan was not different in respect of receiving the Russian migrants. Since before Soviet formation there was overlapping in the geographical and political boundaries of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan therefore the exact figures of migrants is not strictly reliable. However by 1926 Russians settled there were hardly few; in fact just 5600 were living in towns.³⁰ From hereafter they rose to 127,000 by 1939³¹ increasing almost about 25 times in a period of just 13 years. The trend continued thereafter as well, as is depicted in the following table.


Table 3. Demographic Development of Tajikistan during Soviet Rule

 Ethnic      1926        1929        1939         1959         1979         1989      
  Group   No. in  %   No. in  %   No. in   %   No. in   %   No. in   %   No. in   %  
            Th          Th          Th           Th           Th           Th        
Tajik     620.0   75  901.4  78.4  883.6  59.5 1,051.2 53.1 2,237.5 58.8 3,172.4 62.3
Uzbek       ^B    ^B  206.3  17.9  353.6  23.8  454.4  23.0  873.2  22.9 1,197.8 23.5
Russian    5.6   0.7    ^B    ^B    153   10.3  262.6  13.3  395.1  10.4  388.5  7.6 
Ukrainian                                       26.9   1.4   35.8   0.9   41.4   0.8 
Kyrgyz      ^B    ^B   22.8  2.0    ^B     ^B   25.6   1.3   48.4   1.3   63.8   1.3 
Kazakh                                          12.6   0.6    ^B    ^B    11.4   0.2 
 Turkmen    ^B    ^B   16.4  1.4    ^B     ^B    7.1   0.4   14.0   0.4   20.5   0.4 
Tatar       ^B    ^B    ^B    ^B    ^B     ^B   56.9   2.9   79.5   2.1   72.2   1.4 
German      ^B    ^B    ^B    ^B    ^B     ^B   32.6   1.6   38.9   1.0   32.7   0.6 
   Jew      ^B    ^B    ^B    ^B    ^B     ^B   12.4   0.6   14.7   0.4   14.8   0.3 
Korean      ^B    ^B    ^B    ^B    ^B     ^B    ^B     ^B    ^B    ^B    13.4   0.3 
other     406.4  24.3   ^B    ^B   94.9    6    37.6   1.9   69.6   1.8   63.4   1.2 
Total     1,032   ^B    ^B    ^B  1,485.1  ^B  1,979.9  ^B  3,806.2 ^B   5,092.6  ^B 

Compiled on the basis of: U.S.S.R Census 1939,1959,1979,1989, Tereska Rakowska-Harmston 1971 and calculations made by Aaron Erlich in his “Tajikistan: From Refugee Sender to Labor Exporter”, Migration Policy Institute, July 2006, accessed 04 September 2012.


       The trend and pattern of Russian migration in any of the five Central Asian republics started to decline as the census of 1979 has shown. The disintegration of the USSR and the exit of Russians from these independent states further declined their numbers in Central Asia as the case of Tajikistan represents in the following table.


Table 4. Population of ethnic Russians in Tajikistan from 1989 to 2000

Nationality Total Population  Percent Change Percent of Total Population  
             1989     2000      1989-2000    1989          2000          
  Russian   388,481  68,171       -82.5      7.6            1.1          

Source: Tajikistan Country Profile, Central Asia Executive Summary Series, Programme for Culture and Conflict Studies (CCS) Department of National Security Affairs Naval Postgraduate School No. 3, California, July 2009, P.7.


        The incremental growth of Russian migrations continued after the formation of USSR between 1926 to 1939³² more than 1.7 million Russians left European Russia to live in Central Asia³³ taking their lot to 3,866,000 (23%) in 1939³⁴ and to 6,265,000 in 1959.³⁵ During World War II, many industrial enterprises and academic institutions were shifted to


      Political Conditions in the Post-Soviet Era, Profile Series: Uzbekistan, Ins Resource Information Center, Washington, D.C., September 1994, p. 7.

³⁰ Aaron Erlich, Tajikistan: From Refugee Sender to Labor Exporter, Migration Policy Institute, July 2006, available online at http://www.migrationinformation.org/Profiles/display.cfm?ID=411

³¹ Lawrence Krader, Peoples of Central Asia, p. 187.

³² Those Russian migrants who came to Central Asia during the period of World War II got settled in the urban areas like Dushanbe (Stalinabad), Frunze (Pishpek), and other regions; Ian Murray Matley, Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, p. 95.

³³ Sebastien Peyrouse, Occasional Papers, p. 2.

³⁴ Lawrence Krader, Peoples of Central Asia, p. 187.

³⁵ Lawrence Krader, Peoples of Central Asia, p. 193.

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the east of Ural Mountains, which carried with them another wave of immigrants to Central Asia. Yet another lot of hundreds of thousands of the ‘punished people’ among others who were accused of collaboration with the enemy were altogether deported to Central Asia.³⁶ Following table shows the presence of Russians in Central Asian republics from 1959³⁷ onwards wherein their number started to dwindle from 1970 - a trend that further shows decrease after the disintegration of the Soviet Union.


Table 5. Number of Russians (and their percentage of the total population) in each Central Asian Republic

    n/n        1959      1970      1979      1989    1999-2000   2007   
                                                               Estimates
 Kazakhstan  3,974,000 5,521,000 5,991,000 6,227,000 4,479,000  Approx. 
              (42.7%)   (42.4%)   (40.8%)    (37%)     (30%)   4,000,000
              623,500   856,000   911,700   916,500  603,000    Approx. 
 Kyrgyzstan   (30.2%)   (29.2%)   (25.9%)   (21.5%)  (12.5%)    500,000 
             1,100,000 1,473,000 1,665,000 1,653,000  Approx.   Approx. 
 Uzbekistan   (13.5%)   (12.5%)   (10.8%)   (8.3%)    900,000   800,000 
                                                       (3%)             
 Tajikistan   262,600   344,000   395,000   388,500   68,000    Approx. 
              (13.3%)   (11.8%)   (10.4%)   (7.6%)     (1%)     50,000  
              262,700   313,000   349,000   334,000   Approx.  Less than
Turkmenistan  (17.3%)   (14.5%)   (12.6%)   (9.5%)    120,000   150,000 
                                                       (2%)             

Source: Sebastien Peyrouse, “The Russian Minority in Central Asia: Migration, Politics and Language”, Ocasional Papers, p. 4.

       Soviets nationalised all means of production like agricultural land and industry (including small scale, tiny cottage units and business establishments) and all other resources including mineral resources, transport and communication, etc.,³⁸ therefore, to implement a new socio-economic order many major policies and decisions were taken. One of these was implementing the Five Year Plans to organize trained and educated human resource. This called to set up large number of industries and placed nearer to the sources of raw material.³⁹ As a result, not only the industrial output increased tremendously but also a large number of industrial class of workers were employed wherein a large number of Russians, besides other Slaves, migrated to Central Asia to be employed in these industries.⁴⁰ The major reason for their employment was that almost all natives were unskilled to run the newly established factories, even though the government, side by side, also spread education, elementary and vocational, far and wide to produce skilled labour class for these industries. Yet because of the World War II, still more Russians entered Central Asia as a large number of industries were shifted there to protect these from War. Again in these industries major job market was for immigrant Russians.⁴¹
       The Russians also brought medical knowledge and built hospitals, medical clinics and

³⁶ Shirin Akiner, Health Care in Central Asia, p. 16.

³⁷ The influx of Russian immigrants since 1960s was closely linked to the growth of urban centers like Tashkent, Bukhara, Samarkand, Andijan, Khokand, Fergana, etc; Ian Murray Matley, Central Asia: A Century of Russian Rule, pp. 102-103.

³⁸ Imtiyaz ul Haq, “Economic Transition in Central Asian Republics: Problems and Prospects” Mushtaq A. Kaw (Ed), Central Asia: Continuity and Change, Centre of Central Asian Studies, University of Kashmir, Srinagar, India, 1999, p. 55.

³⁹ W. P. and Zelda K. Coats, Soviets in Central Asia, Lawrence and Wishart Ltd., London, 1951, p. 109.

⁴⁰ The immigrant Russian workforce in Central Asia continued to dominated the industrial, technical, educational and medical care sectors until the end of the 1950s; Saltanat Sulaimanova, "Migration Trends in Central Asia: The Case of Trafficking of Women", Daniel L. Burghart and Theresa Sabonis-Helf (Eds), In the Tracks of Tamerlane: Central Asia's Path to the 21st Century, National Defense University Press, Canada, 2004, pp. 377-378.

⁴¹ Shirin Akiner, “History and Politics in Central Asia”, Health care in Central Asia, Martin McKee, Judith Healy and Jane Falkingham (Eds), Open University Press, Buckingham, Philadelphia, 2002, p. 16.

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Russian Journal of Agricultural and Socio-Economic Sciences, 3(15)

pharmacies.⁴² Initially, under Tsars, the health system in Central Asia started on a very modest scale mainly to take care of the Russian military and administrative personnel.⁴³ However, under Soviet rule the health care system in Central Asia was not only universalized⁴⁴ but a modern health care system was developed.⁴⁵ Soviet government sent many young graduates and professionals, mainly Russians, to work in Central Asia⁴⁶ till Central Asians themselves attained medical degrees or a course trained by the Russians in preventive care such as generalists and nurse practitioners.⁴⁷ Accordingly by 1961 Central Asia had 102 times as many doctors as in 1913 and the number of hospital beds had increased to 85,300.⁴⁸
       Soviets also brought some drastic changes in the field of education in Central Asia.⁴⁹ Initially the teaching experts were exclusively Russians; however, with the passage of time natives also joined them as teachers of modern education. Between 1917 and 1919 foundation of a new education policy was laid down in which education⁵⁰ was made free and compulsory up to 17 years of age.⁵¹ In 1920 many higher educational institutes like Tashkent University was established and in 1940s many scientific institutes and laboratories were setup. Such was the progress made in the field of education that the literacy rate among the native people of Central Asia reached to 99% by 1970 from a mere 1-2% in 1917.⁵²
       The data related the present scenario explains the position existing in the country. In January 2009, out of the total of the 17,580 civil service administrative staff of the country, just 173 (1%) were Russian⁵³ and out of 99 supreme judicial authorities only one belongs to Russian ethnic minority.⁵⁴ Similarly out of the 4,976 employed by the state ministries, 55 were Russian⁵⁵ and again out of the 780 civil servants employed by the state committees, 31 were Russians.⁵⁶ Their small number in the country is also reflected by the share of Russians


⁴² Peter L. Roudik, The History of the Central Asian Republics, Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data, United States of America, 2007, p. 85.

⁴³ A. K. Patnaik, “Education, the press and public health”, Chahryar Adle (President), History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. VI, UNESCO, Paris, 2005, p. 578.

⁴⁴ Martin McKee, Judith Healy and Jane Falkingham, Health care in Central Asia, Open University Press, Buckingham, Philadelphia, 2002, p. 7.

⁴⁵ A. K. Patnaik, “History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. VI, p. 578.

⁴⁶ Shirin Akiner, Health Care in Central Asia, p. 16; Steven L. Burg, “Russians, Natives and Jews in the Soviet Scientific Elite. Cadre Competition in Central Asia”, Cahiers du Monde russe et sovietique, Vol. XX, No. I, Ehess, January - March, 1979, p. 49, accessed 01 February 2012.

⁴⁷ Many doctors were trained only to address the needs of a specific sex or age group suffering from a specific disease, while nurses had limited skills and undertook only basic tasks. As an example of the extreme overspecialisation of Soviet health care, Kyrgyz obstetricians neither owned nor knew how to use stethoscopes; Saltanat Sulaimanova, In the Tracks of Tamerlane: Central Asia's Path to the 21st Century, p. 224.

⁴⁸ A. K. Patnaik, History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. VI, p. 580.

⁴⁹ The introduction of a new alphabet based on Russian script played an important role in the development of education for it proved instrumental in indigenous group’s homogenisation in education not only in Central Asia but in the entire USSR; Mohammad Monir Alam, Russia and Tajikistan: Political and Security Relationship, Lancer Books, New Delhi, 2011, p. 60.

⁵⁰ The spread of mass education was prioritized because it was important for political, economic, and social reasons; Shirin Akiner, Health Care in Central Asia, p.15

⁵¹ A. K. Patnaik, History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. VI, p. 552.

⁵² A. K. Patnaik, History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. VI, p. 550-553; W. P. and Zelda K. Coats, Soviets in Central Asia, p. 112.

⁵³ Whereas 14,625 (88.3%) were Tajik, 1,519 (9.2 %) were Uzbek, 149 (0.9%) were Kyrgyz and 106 (0.6%) belong other ethnic origin; International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, reports submitted by states parties under article 9 of the convention, Addendum, Tajikistan, United Nations, 2011, p. 18.

⁵⁴ Of which 94 were Tajik and 1 was Uzbek; International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, reports submitted by states parties under article 9 of the convention, Addendum, Tajikistan, United Nations, 2011, p. 18.

⁵⁵ And 4,059 were Tajiks, 244 Uzbeks, 9 Kyrgyz and 39 were from other ethnic origin; International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, reports submitted by states parties under article 9 of the convention, Addendum, Tajikistan, United Nations, 2011, pp. 18-19.

⁵⁶ The others were; 632-Tajiks, 70-Uzbek, 5-Kyrgyz and 15 from other ethnic origin; International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, reports submitted by states parties under article 9 of the convention, Addendum, Tajikistan, United Nations, 2011, p. 19.

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